Iranian presidential candidates united on one thing: Trump’s return

Iranian presidential candidates united on one thing: Trump’s return
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During the Iranian presidential campaign, a recurring theme dominated debates, rallies and speeches: the long-awaited return of Donald J. Trump.

The six presidential candidates have repeatedly suggested that Trump’s victory in the 2024 U.S. presidential election is inevitable. The central question for Iranian voters as they head to the polls on Friday is which candidate is best equipped to handle Trump’s presidency.

Interestingly, President Biden is barely mentioned and the numerous polls indicating a close election in the United States are ignored. Instead, Trump’s name is often invoked.

“You wait and see what will happen when Trump comes,” Mostafa Pourmohammadi, a cleric and candidate, said during a recent televised debate. “We need to prepare for negotiations.” Alireza Zakani, the mayor of Tehran, accused his rivals of having “Trump-phobia” in a debate, saying only he could have handled the situation effectively.

Pourmohammadi’s campaign posters depict him confronting Trump, with the caption: “The person who can stand in front of Trump is me.”

Iranians have legitimate reasons to be wary of another Trump presidency. Trump unilaterally withdrew the United States from the nuclear deal with Iran, despite UN inspectors confirming Iran’s compliance. Biden attempted to revive the agreement, but without success.

Trump also imposed tough economic sanctions on Iran, targeting its oil revenues and international banking transactions. These sanctions have continued under Biden, contributing to Iran’s economic woes, including a free-falling currency and skyrocketing inflation.

Analysts note that Trump’s potential comeback underscores the importance of foreign policy in the election. All six candidates — five conservatives and one reformist — acknowledge that economic support is closely tied to Tehran’s international relations.

“The potential return of the Trump administration has become a bogeyman in presidential debates,” said Vali Nasr, a former Obama administration official and professor at Johns Hopkins University.

“The hardliners argue that their persistence will tame Trump, while the moderates and reformists believe that Trump will respond to the hardliners with more pressure on Iran, suggesting that they are better positioned to change the dialogue with the United States,” he added.

Concerns about Trump’s return have been rife in Iranian political circles since before the special presidential election, which will be held to replace President Ebrahim Raisi, who died in a helicopter crash in May. The Foreign Ministry set up an informal working group in the spring to prepare for Trump’s potential return, according to two Iranian officials.

Iran has entered into indirect talks with the United States several times this year, through Oman and Qatar, for a prisoner exchange and to ease regional tensions. Discussions about a return to the nuclear deal have involved both the Trump and Biden administrations.

The officials, who spoke anonymously because they were not authorized to speak publicly, said that if Trump is reelected, Iran would continue indirect negotiations but not meet with him directly. They weighed whether it might be wiser to wait and negotiate with Trump rather than reach a deal with Biden, only to see it overturned by a future Republican president.

Mohammad Baqer Ghalibaf, conservative speaker of the Iranian parliament and favorite in the presidential race, commented: “Faced with an enemy like Trump who does not behave with integrity, we must be calculative in our behavior.” Ghalibaf, a former commander of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, stressed that restoring the nuclear deal and reducing sanctions are his top priorities. He warned that failure to make timely decisions could force Iran to capitulate to Trump or create internal tensions.

Trump has consistently said that his policy of maximum pressure on Iran was intended to force concessions on its nuclear program, not regime change. He defended the policy last week in a virtual interview with the All In podcast.

“I would have made a fair deal with Iran; I would have gotten along with Iran,” Trump said. He stated that his primary goal was to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons. “I had them at a point where they could have been negotiated,” he added, a claim disputed by analysts. “A child could have made a deal with them.”

In Iran’s theocratic system, the supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, has the final say on major state affairs, including U.S. negotiations and nuclear policy. However, the president sets the domestic agenda and influences foreign policy.

There is concern among voters about Trump, said a member of reform candidate Dr. Masoud Pezeshkian’s campaign staff, who requested anonymity. The staffer indicated that voters had reached out via social media to ask about Pezeshkian’s plans to counter Trump.

Dr. Pezeshkian has named former Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif, who helped secure the 2015 nuclear deal, as the face of his foreign policy. However, his advisers have said he would choose Abbas Araghchi, Zarif’s deputy and a member of the 2015 negotiating team, as his foreign minister.

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Kyle C. Garrison

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